The political economy of scale and the construction of border regions
The construction of crossborder regions is related to economic, political and social rescaling General Processes; They Both Respond and Contribute to the “scale relativization” Associated With the fall, since ?? 80s, of the relative coherence structured Between national economy, State and society That HAD Characterized postwar boom peak. This is Reflected in a proliferation of Weight Scale on Which Attempts of restructuring economic, political and social relationships Occur. This paper explores some of esta Processes and strategies linked to the emergency and consolidation of crossborder regions, and comments About Their meaning for economic and political restructuration.
The construction of the border regions (RTF) is related to the general processes of economic, political and social rescaling; both respond and contribute to the “relativity of scale” associated with the decline, since the early 80 ??, relative coherence structured between the economy, the state and the national society that had characterized the height of the boom of the postwar period . This is reflected in a proliferation of scales on which attempts to restructure the economic, political and social relationships occur. This article explores some of these processes and strategies linked to the emergence and consolidation of RTF, and comments on their significance for economic and political restructuring.
The construction of the border regions as an example of microrregionalismo, to better relate to the general processes of economic, political and social rescaling. For both respond and contribute to the “scale relativization” associated with the decline, since the early 80 ??, relative coherence structured between national economy, national state and the national society that had characterized the height of the boomPostwar. The crisis model of postwar economic growth in advanced capitalist economies, the end of the Second Cold War, the rise of global neoliberalism, the breakdown of the Soviet bloc, the opening of China to foreign capital and the growing number of so-called ” failed states “have contributed to this relativization of scale. This is reflected in a proliferation of scales on which attempts to restructure the social economic, political and which range from policies to promote economic globalization, global governance and global culture through various forms of mega, macro and occur mesorregionalismo until concerns about macro-regional economies, empowering local communities and “tribal” identities. This article explores some of these processes and strategies linked to the emergence and consolidation of border regions and comments on their significance for economic and political restructuring.
2. The primacy of the national scale in the postwar capitalism
In the “thirty glorious years” of postwar economic expansion, it dominated the national economic organization. Thus, the complex field of economic relations was handled as if it were divided into a set of relatively closed national economies. The primacy of the national economy and the nation state in the Atlantic Fordism was linked to the relative closure of postwar economies, which were experiencing a fairly significant reconstruction on the basis of production and mass consumption. While international institutions and regimes were organized to rescue European nation state and ensure national economic growth, its (regional or local) states acted primarily as sub-transmission mechanisms of national politics. In several of the mercantilist regimes of East Asia or ‘trading nations “it took place the same kind of” naturalization “through the prominence of the discourse of” national security “which linked the internal or external security of a strong control over domestic economy. The import substitution industrialization had similar effects in many Latin American economies. The continuing economic internationalization of these different types of economies and emerging crises in their respective growth models served to undermine the accepted notion of the national economy as an object of economic management.
He also found himself increasingly to regional and local economies have their own specific problems, which could not be solved through national macroeconomic policies nor meso or macro imposed from above by political nation states. Substituting the national economy as the primary object (and objective) of economic governance for most member states of the OECD, it is based on knowledge (EBC), in an era of economic globalization. The EBC is billed as the last stage of capitalism and its expansion is being promoted to overcome the economic crisis ?? 80 and ?? 90. She is linked to narratives of international competitiveness, flexibility, social capital, learning, confidence, reflexivity and decentralized governance and the increasing role of new information technology and communications, “smart” products and expert services. The promotion of EBC is also linked with new forms of coordination and / or supranational economic regulation, as well as calls for greater regional and local autonomy to pursue appropriate strategies offer their points of application. These strategic reorientations intensify uneven development, generating however attempts to counter its effects in the most marginalized, peripheral or uncompetitive regions. Variations on these strategies and counterstrategies are reflected in the changing economic strategies followed in different RTF.
The scope for regionalism on different scales also expanded with the end of the Second Cold War. Along with the new types of meso and macro-regional links associated with new forms of rivalry in Europe and the world, especially for influence in the post-socialist economies, there are many opportunities to articulate previously peripheral border regions. This applies not only to the new nation states of the former Soviet bloc, but also to other companies or in post-socialist transformation. RTF growth in the borders of the post-socialist and / or between post-socialist economies and their capitalist neighbors economies are important expressions of this phenomenon. The end of the bipolar world system has transformed rather than ended, safety issues, and they still influence the prospects for cooperation in Europe. Similar problems can be found in economic development in close like Taiwan and the PRC; Development Area Tumen River, which includes parts of Russia, China, Mongolia, Japan, North Korea and South Korea ( Jordan & Khanna ,1995 ); Sub-region of the Greater Mekong; and areas of civil war or international conflict in the Horn of Africa and sub-Saharan Africa or the Balkans. The issues of security and immigration are also sources of friction in the development of cross-border US and Mexico ( Scott , 2002 ).
3. The relativization of scale
Although these processes have downgraded the national scale as it was constituted in the postwar period as the basis for organizing social economic, political and any other basis of economic and political organization (whether local, global, urban, triadic, regional or supra) has yet won a similar primacy. Collinge ( 1996 ) refers to this phenomenon as the relativization of scale.
Indeed, different economic and political spaces are competing to become the new anchor around which other scales (no matter how many and which) can be organized to produce an adequate degree of consistency structured. This implies economic and political projects aimed at different scales, and still no consensus on how these will be reconciled-which is reflected in continuous and active responses debates about the relative importance of sites to global, national and regional areas of economic action occurs . In this context, it is important to note that there is not a predetermined places, spaces and scales that are simply being reordered set. For the places, spaces and scales are not predetermined, but are subject to discursive struggles over mapping and naming (Neumann, 1993; Jenson , 1995 ; Paas i, 2001 ) and more substantive struggles over social institutionalization, materials and space-time . Thus, we find that new places are emerging, new spaces are being created, new scales of organization are being developed and new horizons of action are being imagined. In particular, the global is only one of many scales on which they are imagining and following attempts to restabilize capitalism. Indeed, globalization is often linked closely and in complex forms, with processes occurring in other spatial scales. It can best be conceived as part of a proliferation of scales and temporalities as narrated institutionalized objects of action, regularization and governance.
Thus, while there has been a growing emphasis on how to better organize the global dress with a wide range of often conflicting criteria, the smaller scales (notably the urban, regional and national) are still significant (though often under new ways) as substantive sites of real economic activities. Many strategies are also being developed to link these and other global scales, including internationalization, triadisation formation of regional blocs, building networks of global cities, training of border regions, international localization, glocalization, glurbanización and trans 2 . The emergence of cyberspace as a virtual arena of action, which seems to be everywhere and nowhere at once, has further complicated the problems.Moreover, as new scales emerge and / or existing scales gain in institutional thickness, social forces are also trying to develop new mechanisms to articulate or coordinate. This adds additional levels of complexity and may trigger new bouts of reaction and counter-reaction, as events or processes occurring on a scale used to justify actions in other scales. For example, internationalization often provokes regional responses (Perkmann , 2000 ); Europeanization requires coordination of regional policies ( Leresche & Saez , 2002 );the development of NAFTA has promoted the formation of the Cascadia region stretching from Alaska to Oregon and northern California ( Blatte r, 2001 ; Sparkes , 2002 ). Thus, the revival of the provinces and regions within territorial states, and the growth of the RTF in their stripes, are partial responses to political centralization. These processes can also be related to concerns related to politics, such as ecological sustainability, and in some cases, with the decline of old security concerns and the emergence of new problems ?? 90.
This generates increasing complexity as different scales of action are related to various combinations of vertical, horizontal, diagonal, centripetal, centrifugal and vortex. This complexity can not be captured in terms of simple contrasts, such as the global-national or global-local, or hybrid concepts such as “glocalization” or “cross”. Instead, we now see a proliferation of discursively constituted scales, institutionally materialized and spatially incorporated (whether terrestrial, territorial or telematics), which are related in increasingly complex hierarchies and entangled with various temporalities and spatiality, rather than be ranked in forms simple each other.
The proliferation of space and time horizons linked to the relativization of scale involves very different social opportunities and those that prevailed when the national level was judged as the dominant threats to economic forces and policies. This promotes actions to exploit new opportunities in order to promote values, identities and specific interests and / or defend the often disruptive impact of rescaling. Many different actors and social forces are involved in this dispute exploitation and from economic migrants to legal and illegal businesses, states and non-governmental movements. Economic and political actors are often active in terms of trying to strengthen the competitiveness based on location and / or strengthen competitiveness by promoting mobility. There is no simple correspondence between strategies and actors: some firms have a territorial link, others move in the space of flows; states can seek to maintain economic activities in their places or promote movement for mobile domestic firms. However, such activities reorder, through the economic space in different scales of space-based complementarities and differences in places as the basis for the dynamic competitive advantages. However, comparatively competitive game always produces losers as well as winners.
Some commentators explain emerging regions or scales as based on “natural economic territories”, which have been reemerge or develop as the nation state declines as a source of economic and political power.
Certainly, it is interesting to reflect here on the resurgence of old border trading blocs in the era of post-socialism and the end of the Cold War. This can be seen both in Eastern and Central Europe as well as the “Greater China”. But I think the “natural economic territories” (TEN) are economic areas that have been “naturalized” discursively as well as economically and politically constructed. For example, one sees the TEN as natural or not depends on the understanding they have about the dominant modes of competition and the factors causing structural competitiveness. A Ricardian interpretation (based on a survey conducted by growth factors) lead to identify TEN and economic strategies differently than those interpretations Schumpeterian (based on innovation-driven growth) ( Porter , 1990 ). Thus, rather than seeking an elusive objective economic criteria to define a region, you should treat the regions as an emerging phenomenon socially constituted.
4. The complexities of rescaling
We can distinguish four possible strategies (by no means exclusive or exhaustive) that are linked to differences in scale preferred forms of articulation. The first is to broaden or deepen the scalar division of labor within a vertically integrated hierarchical scales set. This strategy typically involves promoting economic development (at any level), taking advantage of the dynamic growth in progressively ascending spatial scales, from the local to the supranational or global through regional to national. In this context, important aspects of the division of labor tend to be organized through the scales rather than within them.Such strategies may be promoted from above and / or emerge from below. They are reflected in attempts to “centrally positioned places ?? ?? stages of various spatial scales: regional, national, international and global” ( Hall & Hubbard , 1996 ; Sum , 1999 ). Such strategies also tend to respect national boundaries, but they are not in any way inconsistent with the RTF, which are promoted nationally and where local authorities on both sides of the border are geared towards their respective national centers instead of being interested in consolidating They are seeking autonomy administrative units ( Nilson , 1997 ). This can be contrasted with border regions where the border is a unifying rather than dividing feature, for example where the border works to integrate and no divi (Africa), and which is therefore planned as a whole and not as two separate parts ( Gooneratne & Mosselman , 1996 ; Buchanan , 1995 ).
The second option is to build horizontal links on the same scale within a vertically integrated scales articulated whole. Such strategies are very broad, from the local to the triadic. Many RTF illustrate this strategy, as well as trans alliances and virtual regions. The latter are developed to link non-contiguous areas with shared or complementary interests, such as cooperation between the so-called European regions “Four Motors”, covering Baden-Württemberg, Rhone-Alpes, Lombardy and Catalonia, each which it is a city-region dynamics associated with significant non-capital. Overall, this strategy is built on common interests and territorial identities and seeks to leverage resources and capabilities of joint or complementary manner. The aim is to develop a critical mass through simple agglomeration economies or developing emerging division of labor on the same scale rather than across scales. This horizontal strategy can be native and / or promoted by bodies of higher or lower strata. In this way, the RTF in Europe are promoted by local communities and by the European Union (EU).
The third option involves the construction of cross links, for example skipping one or more stops immediately adjacent to seek closer integration with other processes at various scales. This is especially significant where the ecta are involved foreign investment and export production, so that the links to the immediate environment or even to the national economy can be much more important that the connections between local and supranational scales. Growth triangles in Asia exemplify this strategy ( Parsonage , 1992; Smith , 1997 ). Also the export processing zones, free ports and regional inputs although these tend to be located within a national territory and oriented to the outside (see Chen , 1995 , on developments in the areas of international growth; Ohmae , 1995 , about contemporary state-regions).
Finally, a fourth option is to find an outlet for local restrictions or scalar locating activities in an area without borders or moving into cyberspace. But this does not obviate the need for some kind of spatial location (offshore islands, tax havens, etc.).
These options can be combined to produce more complex strategies. They can be applied to a wide range of different scales, and RTF belong mainly to the second and third strategies. More generally, such strategies can be considered from two perspectives: (a) its main private economic agents including agents (firms, banks, chambers of commerce) or public agents (different levels of government or local or regional associations of parastatals [ quangos ]); and (b) the nature of the (up or down), lateral (extraversion or introversion), transverse, etc. involved interscalar joint -vertical My starting point is the primacy below the national level in the postwar period, but this should not lead us to the conclusion that the relativization of scale involves only an internationalization based on flows to and from the national economic spaces. For this penetration and extraversion is typically selective, uneven and partial, and in no way connected ectly to all national economies.
Consequently, we should consider the many different forms of rescaling that are occurring and their interrelations. The following list is not intended to be exhaustive, but serves to illustrate the range of possibilities that involve firms and states. They are presented in ascending order from the microregional to the supranational through subnational transversal linkages.
Relocation and re-regionalization, for example the re-emergence of local and regional economies (industrial districts new, innovative ways, learning regions, gateway cities, Mediterranean islands as bridges between Europe and Africa) national economies, or in some cases The breakdown of the national economy due to economic crises, civil wars, state failures or other disruptive mechanisms. The re-regionalization may also involve an increase in the scale of the regions (see Smith , 1988 ).
Multicentric or polynuclear metropolis, such a vast expansion of the size or scale of major urban hierarchies within cities, so that they become major metropolitan and mega-urban regions with several centers.
Interlocalización or interregionalización, for example the development of horizontal links between adjacent regions or localities or regions on the same scale, but in different national states (RTF, translocal alliances, sub-federal states) that have complementary economies or political or shared interests ( Hocking , 1999 ) ties- often they skip the national level but sometimes they can be sponsored by one or more national states, as well as local, urban and regional authorities, and that can be reflected in the development of binational production zones, borders international or cross-border metropolis ( Albert & Brock , 1996 ), and the development of international development corridors along major transport routes (river banks, coastal, knots and built transport networks, etc.). Such places are sometimes seen as “glocal” or globalized locations. In the end they may become extraterritorial spaces (financial centers overseas financial havens, etc.).
Translocation or transregionalization, for example the development of horizontal links between localities and regions in the same noncontiguous scale, whether within or across national states. Boisie r ( 1994 ) calls such relationships ‘virtual regions’ when they result from deliberate construction of inter-local partnerships.
Networks of global cities, such as the formation of global cities that have a strong external orientation opposed to other global cities locale. This can be seen as a special case of transrregionalización, to the extent that global cities have extensive regions and because the hierarchy of global cities have lower levels and specialized niches which also form transnational linkages. When promoting these links result in extraversion of urban development strategies that seek to promote a city’s competitiveness in the global economy, we can refer to the “glurbanización” (see Jessop & Sum , 2000 ).
-the Integration training mesoregional subtríadicos but supranational blocs such as ASEAN, MERCOSUR and CARICOM, which can form blocks for the next level of integration or to resist.
Triadization-notably macro-regional integration, ie the formation of state-sponsored multilateral regional economic blocs to formally include several national economies in North America, Europe and Northeast Asia.
Intertriadización-the growing interpenetration of the triad blocs as multinationals residents of each block form strategic alliances with other partners and the interests of these multinationals within national states are internalized and Triad (see Poulantzas , 1975 ) .
Transtriadización, developing forums and bilateral meetings between different pairs of the triad to the extent that they seek to develop and intensify specific complementarities-notably through the Economic Cooperation Forum Asia, the New Transatlantic Agenda Pacific and Asia-Europe meetings ( this has also been discussed under the rubric of megarregionalización; see Hatsuse , 1999 ).
That globalization itself, the introduction and acceptance of global norms and standards, the development of globally integrated markets with globally oriented, with no obvious national firms operating bases and “ubiquities” (uniformly available locational facilities) strategies.
These different scalar processes and strategies often combine to form networks and more complex strategies and tangled hierarchies of regions in geoeconomic and geopolitical terms. The famous “Blue Banana” 3 , like a giant macrroregión, is a case in point. Moreover, as new scales emerge and hierarchies there are also efforts to coordinate them. So while the triad regions begin to take shape and institutional identity, they develop new forums to coordinate their bilateral relations. Also, as regionalism develops in the EU, not only we find a large committee of EU regions, but also a proliferation of other associations and multilateral links between the regions. This is reflected in the Europeanisation of regional policy and regionalization of European politics ( Balme , 1996 ). Even on a smaller scale, local authorities develop associations to promote their interests at national, regional, international and global levels. All this produces a growing complexity scale, increasing scope for deliberate interscalar joint and growing problems to run these joints. Similar issues affect time and its governance, as seen in the emergence of nanotemporalidades micro and long-term actions to ensure environmental sustainability at the macro level.This leads in turn to growing problems of intertemporal governance.
Both in geo-economic terms as geopolitical, the various types of regions are marked by degrees of hegemony and different and changing hierarchy, overlapping spheres of influence, national components and transnational influences, interdependencies and packages of self-contained regions, embryonic and fallecientes, marginal fields and areas confrontational. These complexities provide more opportunities for rescaling, jump between scales and so on; they also reorder spatial and scalar hierarchies, producing new forms of uneven development. This is reflected not only changes between “national economies”, but also in the rise and fall of regions, new forms of division “north-south” and so on.
All this points to the potential of strategic alliances between states with similar or different regional scales (eg the EU as an intergovernmental organization of states or nations as the “Europe of regions”) to ensure the foundations for economic survival and political in response to the imperatives of structural competitiveness globally. These partnerships will vary according to the positions of the respective economies in the global hierarchy. So while a small open economy (whether capitalist, post-socialist or socialist) can search for a closer integration with the dominant economic power of the pole immediately triadic growth, the dominant power can check not only selectively attract neighboring economies within its economic orbit, but also enter into alliances with other dominant triad powers. An alternative strategy for a small open economy is to seek niche markets in the global economy (perhaps through the promotion of strategic alliances with key in each region of the triad firms) or form regional alliances with other small economies (whether share borders or not) as the basis for increasing economic and pressure capabilities.Moreover, since the domestic economy is not as such, we also find subnational regions, cities and local economic spaces pursuing oriented to changing forms of globalization and international competitiveness strategies .
5. Border Regions
Cross-border transactions based on proximity and geographical complementarities have always existed regional and sub-regional levels, unless they are prohibited by the states on the basis of economic policy concerns, security or ( Thant , 1997 , on the European case see Gasparini , 1999 – 2000b ; Zago , 1999-2000 ). But the RTF have proliferated following the decline of protectionism, the rise of neoliberalism, the end of Cold War and political commitments towards regional integration. The RTF have become objects of specific policies and not just spontaneous and natural economic territories. In this sense, they represent specific forms of innovation in relation to space, place and scale. They involve the production of new types of places where space for production, development of services for work and for consumption. They are linked with new production sites or spaces to create places to specific advantages of production of goods and services and offer new regulatory structures, infrastructure, economies of scale, new labor markets, etc. They may involve the creation of competitive advantages leveraging complementarities between sources of supply (such as growth triangle Indonesia-Malaysia-Singapore, formerly known as the growth triangle Singapore-Johor-Riau or SIJORI, or links between member states EU and post-socialist economies).And they reconfigured the hierarchy scale and modify the position of specific locations within the hierarchy.
There are at least nine ways in which the RTF have emerged. They do not have a similar weight, either currently or historically particulares- say nothing of cases and are typically linked to many different forms of cross-border or interregional cooperation. These alternative trajectories are best analyzed with interscalar joint strategies outlined above (vertical, horizontal, transversal and virtual). It should also be emphasized that these different patterns are not mutually exclusive. Most cases involve hybrid patterns RTF, either by simultaneous or sequential combinations of factors (for such patterns in the Nordic case, seeBaldersheim and Ståhlberg , 1999 ). All I’m trying to accomplish here is to identify analytically distinct trajectories in the initial development, and probably subsequent consolidation of border regions.
First, they can result from recent selective reinforcement of obscure and liminal forms of economic and political organization that have long existed on the borders of the states, even when they have been disapproved by their respective national states. These include economic activities “gray” or “black” exchange “evils” or “goods” (eg drugs, slaves, weapons smuggling to avoid customs duties and exempt, movement of illegal migrants). An interesting example is the development of gray markets (eg bazaars) in the EU borders with Central Europe, Eastern and even closer. Such activities may reflect a shared peripheral status of the border, distant regions of the centers. They can become objects of government or governance to eliminate or to transform and integrate into broader economic strategies.
Second, they may involve the revival of (but potentially viable) economic areas previously deletedafter the end of the Second Cold War, the collapse of the Iron Curtain and the opening of China. Such regions were sometimes initiated bilaterally during the Cold War, as Finland-Estonia, Austria-Hungary, Greece-Bulgaria ( Hettne , 1997 ). Often they are linked to shared border (rivers, lakes, coasts, forests) resources; survival or revival of ancient trade routes and / or pre-colonial empires inherited connections and the existence of a common language or ethnicity. Examples include the partial reemergence of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Swedish Baltic Empire, the re-articulation of the Balkan countries that once belonged to the Ottoman Empire, the rearticulation of the states of Central Asia that once integrated a large Turkish-Islamic formations or Iranians, the development of Northeast Asia (China-Russia-Japan), the rise of the “Greater China”, the great Mekong Subregion and Sijori growth triangle (the Johor-Riau Empire). In more general terms, “the reduction of political tensions has motivated many countries to open their belts hidden ?? ??, distant subregions malls and national exchange developed during the Cold War, subregions that can now be linked more naturally . with emerging global and regional markets This is the case of Northeast China, the west coast of Japan, the west coast of Korea, the Russian Far East and Mongolia “(Jordan & Khanna , 1995 : 445; also about the area Surveillance of northern Greece, see Labrianidis , 2001). An important factor is that some border regions, which served as defensive exclusion zones during the Cold War and that were considered unsafe for investment, are now seen as “bridges” articulators of potential economic partners ( Gooneratne & Mosselman , 1996 ). This is reinforced where borders have divided imposed from above “historical” regions so far with their own identities, and in some cases, with distinctive national ethnic groupings.
Third, the border regions can emerge from (or reinforced by) spills of a metropolitan area and / or growth of additional cities on both sides of common borders. Many examples are in the Twin Cities along the border between Canada and the US and between the US and Mexico. This is also reflected in the growing North-South links between Canadian and US regions, although there is still more trade between any two Canadian provinces between any of them and an American state.
There are also many closely connected border cities in Europe (see Gasparini , 1999-2000a and 1999-2000b). A well-known example is the European region from Basel, which has to Basel / Basle as the metropolitan center. This dynamic may also be a contributing factor to the growth of other RTF, such as SIJORI triangle, which is the product of the spill from Singapore as a city-state expansion, economic growth and the Pearl River Delta, based on expansion Hong Kong after China’s opening.
Fourth, creating new economic or ecological functional spaces where complementary resources, financial and environmental common problems, or a shared peripheral situation denoting a need for cooperation on issues such as the environment or transport infrastructure. Such RTF is often linked to the discursive constitution of new types of territories or economic areas as growth triangles, export processing zones, innovative media gateway cities, learning regions, bioregions or ecoregions (see Sum , 1999 , on the growth triangle Greater China, Lundin & Söderbaum , 2002 , on the Maputo Corridor in South Africa, Blatter, 2000 , on sustainable development in Cascadia and the Euroregion Bodenver; Maskell and Törnqvist , 1999, on the cross-border region Øresund learning that links metropolitan Copenhagen with the southern periphery of Sweden). Such strategies may difunse through a simple imitation, an international proselytizing or explicit sponsorship and financing of supranational institutions. The border may have an important role in such areas, rather than being viewed as a barrier to cooperation. For example, Kearny (1991 ) shows the usefulness of the borders for the management of transnational markets work because they can serve to maintain the spatial separation of the place of purchase and the cost of job sites playback, as in the respective places of production and reproduction are in different national spaces (on the role of the homelands during the regime of apartheid in South Africa, see Wolpe , 1988 ). In this sense, the success of such strategies depends on building new governance mechanisms for transboundary cooperation without eliminating, however, the territorial differentials associated with border (see Perkmann , 2000 ).
Fifth, RTF can be promoted by national states hoping to restabilize the national level and allow national economies compete more effectively. This would involve the construction of new land from above paradigm and promoting new scales of territorial action, thereby implying the dissolution and restructuring of the borders. Here RTF act as transmitters and bridges to other national scales and / or as a means to integrate the economic space in regional blocs and broader strategic alliances. An early example of this in a European context was the work of the intergovernmental commissions in Europe. They were created in the ?? 60 and ?? 70 to a central state level to promote the development of border regions, especially in the field of spatial planning and transport, for the welfare of national economies. The interest of this form of regional economic cooperation was expanded in the late 80 ?? and the ?? 90. This probably relates closely with the multiscale, multicénctrica and multiform nature of globalization -incitando states to adapt by increasing the competitiveness of local and regional production sites, innovation and capital allocation.
Sixth, and conversely, the supranational-tional bodies can promote RTF to weaken the national level by a combined movement from above and below. This can be illustrated with the strategy of the “Europe of the regions”. As he stated by the president of the Euroregion: “The EU hopes that the regions form networks across borders to allow counterbalance the power of the Member States” (J. Chabert, Euroregion Seminar, Brussels, 03/29/94, cited in Taylor , 1995 : 77). This strategy involves inectos invent new ways and means to lead to lower levels and non-state actors, so that they are transformed into strategic partners of the European Commission ( tommel , 1998 ).
Seven, the RTF can be a reaction to the uneven development linked with other sub processes, supra construction or transnational regions. The city-state of Hamburg and Bremen have been promoting a new Hanseatic League to counterbalance the dynamic growth pole south around Munich and its own transnational growth region formed by the Barcelona-Munich-Milan (triangle Hettne , 1997 ). Also, the growth of the “Blue Banana” triggered the Atlantic Arc project to promote peripheral European regions facing the Atlantic; ECTA foreign investment has reinforced the primacy of cities and central regions of growth in ASEAN and generated concern to promote growth triangles and border regions in more peripheral areas ( Wong , 1994); Tokyo’s inability to account for the demands of development of localities in the Sea of Japan prefectures have helped trigger cross-border cooperation in these areas; the EU has promoted cross-border cooperation in disadvantaged regions during the construction of the Common Market. The uneven development can also cause a reverse reaction from stronger regions. Murphy ( 1993 ) suggests that one of the reasons for the formation of the region of the “Four Motors” was the concern about being dragged down by poor neighboring regions.
Eight border regions may arise as part of national construction projects in multinational territorial states . This may reflect a desire to strengthen national autonomy within a federal system. Quebec is a good example of this: from its incorporation into the CBC as part of a nation-building project of ancient tradition in foreign relations, concluded many interregional agreements in the past and pursue activitieslobby in the United States ( Keating , 1996 ). Alternatively the relevant nation can share territorial boundaries. Transpirinea development cooperation between Catalans in Spain and France and the resurgence of historical economic territories in post-socialist countries can illustrate this situation well. Most problematic cases where there is a right to development of transboundary stocks, may also eventually lead to cross-border cooperation (eg the Kurds).
Nine, the RTF can emerge from building initiatives careers and institutions as political entrepreneurs seize opportunities created by the crisis of the national scale, the thawing of the Cold War, the availability of policies and EU funds, initiatives International organizations such as the Asian Development Bank and the United Nations Development Programme, supranational deregulation allowing regional reregulation, developing new infrastructure and logistics (see especially Perkmann , 2000 ). Such cases of simple economic calculation may be reflected in coalitions for obtaining funds (rather than growth coalitions) and simple responses to windows of political opportunities for policy initiatives.
Despite their new economic importance, RTF lack both the solid boundaries demarcated by national borders, as well as many of macroeconomic institutional conditions often considered essential for stable economic growth. It is in this context that interpersonal networking and interorganizational negotiations are crucial to bridge the public-private divide across borders and to ensure cooperation of so-called “stakeholders” arising from different functional systems. Moreover, the absence of a state with sovereignty over a RTF can not be an aspect against, sometimes as many believe ectivos of national states. For if not pure market forces or command from above by a political center can guarantee the systemic competitiveness or structural economic space, there may be room for one more cooperative search to provide a stable structure of economic action, through other more flexible and non-hierarchical ways.
Another way to advance these developments is through the scheme Messner ( 1998 ) about the different levels of organization relevant to the pursuit of systemic competitiveness. He distinguishes four aspects or levels of competitiveness: micro, meso, macro and meta. In an era of globalization, competitiveness is still dependent benefits both generic and specific advantages of place, and this is particularly true for target sources and micro level. Then, we might suggest that in the case of RTF, micro and meta levels will be more significant than the macro level and meso level will be important but modified in the light of the transboundary nature of the economy. In turn, these are particularly appropriate intervention for governance mechanisms that do not rely neither on anarchic market forces or planning from above, but in different forms, such as networks and public-private partnerships between social arrangements areas various stakeholders, etc. (Governance, see Jessop , 1998 ). There is considerable scope here for metagovernance (eg, the European Council provides model organizational rules for RTF agreements under the Convention on Transfrontier Cooperation).
6. border regions and restructuring of the State
These complex forms of rescaling, which as suggested, ranging from relocation to globalization, are typically associated with three major trends in the state and politics. These include the denationalization of the territorial state, the growing importance of public-private partnerships and networks and an increasing emphasis on functional linkages and joint responsibilities regardless of position within scalar hierarchies and internationalization of policy regimes.
Each of these trends is discernible in the development of tranfronterizas regions, because they illustrate denationalization but are still territorial, are typically based on multi-level governance and reflect international policy preferences. Conversely, the development of RTF tends both to reinforce these trends and lead countertendencies at the national level.
The first trend is the denationalization of statehood. This is reflected empirically in the ‘hollowing out’ of the state apparatus nation, where old and new state capacities being reorganized territorially and functionally on subnational, national, supranational and trans levels. One aspect is the partial loss of legal sovereignty by national states in some respects as they transfer decision-making powers to supranational bodies upwards or subscribe treated more or less asymmetric obligations. In both cases, the new rules and decisions become binding for national states. The first case is most evident in the EU, and the latter characterizes NAFTA and other intergovernmentally organized regional blocs and international organizations such as the World Trade Organization bodies. Another aspect is the decentralization of authority to subordinate levels of territorial organization and / or development of transnational but interlocal making decisions. The RTF is significant in this regard, thus strengthening the local and regional economic development in the states or, as well as the development of transnational links between regional and local authorities, involving what is sometimes called the “paradiplomacy” ( Dommergues , 1992 ) or “intermestic” policy ( Duchacek , 1986 ). Thus, the emergence of the RTF seems to defy the survival of the national state, but otherwise than in supranational rescaling.
However, contradicting this trend toward denationalization of state, it is the continued survival in many societies of the national state as the main factor of cohesion. Everywhere, however, nation states are in crisis or have already decomposed. But where the nation-state as a form survives institutionally, also it retains its crucial general political functions, although technical-economic policies and specific ideological forces are transferred to other parts. For supranational forms of political organization they are typically intergovernmental, and the federal government is involved in the transfer of power up and legitimizes this transfer. As sovereign states, they also retain the formal power to re-centralize the delegated power down and to regulate translocal contacts and agreements. Some states are more powerful and effective than others regarding the interscalar joint, being the imperial United States the most powerful state actor in this regard. Moreover, in many RTF, local or regional administrative units involved in the different sides of the (s) Frontier (s) acting as transmission mechanisms of national policy and are more oriented towards their national states to forge political relations that undermine national legal sovereignty. In this respect, the nation states act as “pivots” between international agencies and subnational activities because they provide legitimacy as the exclusive voice of a territorially defined population ( Hirst , 1997 ). However, their ability to perform the above continue to depend on its ability to ensure social cohesion.
Second, there is a general trend towards denationalization of political regimes. This is reflected empirically in the shift from government to governance on various territorial scales and across various functional domains. Governments have always relied on other agencies to help make state goals, but now there is a significant political realignment in government and governance relationship. Although this trend typically involves a loss of decisional and operational autonomy of the state apparatus (at any level), you can also build their capacity to project state power and achieve collective goals by mobilizing resources of knowledge and power influential NGOs and interested partners. This second trend occurs not only at the international or national level, but is also evident in the restructuring of the regional, local and cross-border governance. In fact, the RTF is often characterized by complex forms of multilevel governance, involving a range of partners and stakeholders recruited from different functional domains and scales of territorial organization. It also means that the states themselves are becoming partners, facilitators and arbitrators in public-private consortia, growth coalitions, etc., rather than the prime movers in many policy areas.
Countering this shift from government to governance is a tendency for the government to acquire a stronger role in metagovernance. The latter refers to the role of the political authorities (at national or other level) in ecta inecta organization or self-organization of interorganizational partnerships, networks and intersystem relations. This is needed to limit the proliferation of governance arrangements. Since the latter can lead to increased complexity not structured the emergence of such significant governance failures and market failures or state, and loopholes for unscrupulous profiteers growing and growing gaps in the safety net for the less fortunate ( on governance and metagovernance, see Jessop , 1998 ).
There are clear dangers of this in RTF without well-designed governance mechanisms. So, to expan their role in metagovernance, states assume responsibility for constitutional design and other measures to ensure relative compatibility of different governance mechanisms. This is reflected in the Council of the European Convention on Transfrontier Cooperation and EU regulations governing the nature of the agreements and consultations on partnerships necessary to receive approval and funding from the EU.Additionally, states (spatially nationally) must ultimately respond to the political repercussions of governance as well as market failures. If metagovernance works or not is another issue.
Third, there is a general trend towards the internationalization of policy regimes. This refers to the growing strategic significance of the international context of domestic state action and the extension of the latter to a wide range of processes and extraterritorial or transnational factors. This tends to make disappear the distinction between domestic and foreign policy and expand the territorial bases of actors who are ectly involved in decision-making and / or whose opinions and likely reactions are taken into account. This trend is by no means confined to national states. It also applies to supranational blocs (such as the EU), local or regional states, and with particular clarity, new emerging RTF. This also needs to take into account the changing international context of its. Economic activities Inter alia , this is reflected in attempts to combine endogenous economic development and foreign investment involved in export promotion activities and / or import substitution in a continuously changing international economy.
Here there is also a countertrend, albeit with two aspects. On the one hand, there is a growing internalization of international restrictions, such as integration into the political paradigm and cognitive models of the world held by various domestic decision makers. Moreover, there is a more intense effort, especially by the most powerful states, to influence the form and content of international regimes. The relative weight of these trends and counter-trends clearly vary depending on where a given, within the broader political and economic order economic and political space.
There are many more RTF and RTF even more projects than exist as successful examples. The viability of the project depends in part, by the way, the capacity of narratives and other discursive for support for projects forms, to allow appropriate provide an alternative future and to identify the path that must be followed to achieve forces. Per extra-discursive important conditions are also required to achieve plausible strategies. These extra-discursive conditions are rooted in the materiality of differentiated institutional orders (functional systems) and their complex forms of interdependence across various spatial and temporal horizons of action. This, in turn, depends on the political will and leadership skills, including the ability to metagovernance.
Therefore, no regional or subregional strategy is likely to become dominant. Instead, there will be a large number of small-scale strategic initiatives that interact with an even larger number of spontaneous developments rooted in market exchanges, the ecta foreign investment, etc. Regional economic strategies are more likely to develop through a decentralized cooperation and joint initiatives in which the border regions and / or economic affinities will play a key mediating role. The sheer multiplicity of these initiatives can be seen from a partial list of programs for economic renewal provided by Neumann ( 1994 ) for the North Baltic region. These include a new Hanseatic League, the Baltic Sea, the Mare Balticum, the Euro-Baltic region, the political space Scann-Baltic, a Ostverraum, a severe-Baltiyskiy poyas (north-belt including Baltic and Nordic states four Russian political entities of Murmansk, St. Petersburg, Karelia, and Kaliningrad) in April , and Barents region centered on Norway and extending into the Arctic and North Seas.A similar profusion of projects exists for other regions in Europe and Eurasia.
While not all of these projects can be successful, many are likely to attract political support and economic resources. Thus, any locales will be complex, tangled and evolutionary phenomena (rather than fully planned). If the emergence of a major scale will probably be at the level of the triad. This is particularly evident in the EU (especially as we continue to broaden and deepen its role in structuring the European Economic Area) and NAFTA (with the overwhelming dominance of the United States), but there is also a growing regional division of labor in East Asia, and China is becoming a significant player in this regard.
The 10 best political films of 2014
This is the third year that compiled the best political films of the year ( 2013 and 2012 -pdf, pages 30- 25) and has already become a classic of this blog and one of its most visited entries. It really is the selection made for the last number of the year of the magazine ” The ACOP grinder “in which the ten best books and websites and the most prominent leaders and concepts of the year are also collected.
Those who gather here are those that, in my subjective personal opinion , are the ten most outstanding films about politics. The only requirement is that they have been released in Spain in 2014 (can be from another year) but also include films that have not yet been released in our country, but have been issued during 2014 in their respective countries.
Surely not be all they are (that you appreciate my reports if you know any), but all they are are Here we leave the said Article for The Grinder , albeit with an extended introduction to that you can find in the magazine (# 71) with a movie more. I hope you enjoy them. You can watch online for free at project free tv.
The 10 best political films of 2014
This year 2014 has not been very prolific in terms of films and political issue but, despite everything, we can get our traditional list of films, documentaries and biopicsmost important, whether issued in other countries or released in Spain this year.
However, it continues the interest of American television for political fiction and this 2014 we welcome two new series recently released. For one thing, Madam Secretary (released on September 21, 2014), which revolves around the life of a maverick Secretary of State in their attempts to break into international diplomacy, dealing with national policy and find balance with the always complicated family life. Moreover, State of Affairs (released on November 17, 2014), where the protagonist is a brilliant analyst of the American spy agency, responsible for keeping an updated each morning international conflicts Oval Office of President of report the United States, which is also the mother of her fiance who died in a terrorist attack that has united both women and marked forever. This series will arrive in Spain from January 2015 from the hand of Calle 13 under the title “Affairs of State” and Madam Secretary and can be seen on channel Movistar Series.
Still, there have been films that have been left out of this list and note here as a curiosity, from a Lebanese film chases sports cars and martial arts with political overtones ( She & politics ), another American on legislation religious affairs with police dyes ( Persecuted ), through a comedy about the effects of alcohol and political revenge ( The Drunk ) orcontroversial comedy for Sony Pictures, The interview , which will be released in Spain in 2015, that mocks North Korean leader Kim Jong-un; to the higher quality of the above, kill the messenger , political thriller about a journalist Gary Webb who investigated the CIA involvement in drug trafficking.
As for the Spanish cinema, not to mention political films exactly, if there have been several proposals that describe our socio-economic reality and its consequences, such as social drama phenomena or social satire They died above their means ; others address the Basque conflict, such as the recreation of the disappearance of Lasa and Zabala or “comedy based on real events” the Negotiator ; and even the sovereignty issue in Catalonia with the documentary L’endemà wondering what would happen the day after the hypothetical Catalan independence.
Finally, and as we do a wink to the last selection from this list, highlight the many playsthat have premiered this year and had the policy as a source of inspiration and you can find in two innings of this blog .
Long live freedom
Original title: Viva la libertà
Country: Italy Year: 2013. Released in Spain on May 21, 2014.
Time: 94 minutes.
Genre: Drama, Politics.
Director: Roberto Ando.
Screenplay: Roberto Ando, Angelo Pasquini.
Cast: Toni Servillo, Valerio Mastandrea, Valeria Bruni Tedeschi, Michela Cescon, Anna Bonaiuto, Eric Nguyen, Judith Davis, Andrea Renzi.
Studio: BiBi Film / Rai Cinema / MiBAC.
The secretary of the main opposition party, Enrico Oliveri, is low hours. The polls about upcoming elections give him a loser. One night, after being criticized at a rally abandons its commitments and responsibilities and took refuge in France, in a friend’s house. In the institutional and party environments, assumptions multiply, while his assistant Andrea Bottini and his wife, Anna, continue turning the reason for the leak and the possible identity of a possible accomplice.
Anna who will resort to twin Secretary, Giovani Ernani, a brilliant philosopher, although marked by a bipolar depression. Andrea decides to join him and be so fascinated that begin to contemplate a risky project. So, without warning, one day the secretary reappears on stage: start talking in a different, poetic, lucid, shocking, surprising language.
The valuation of the match starts up points, while public opinion and squares burst with joy again. In the rapid course of events that characterized the election campaign, the clerk becomes the object of admiration unprecedented. But someone from his secret hideout, follow their movements, waiting …
With a similar starting point to Have a Pope in which the paralyzing stage fright that a politician until his literal escape, Viva la libertà , fresh out of a psychiatric philosopher as great Italian political solution is political film that dream that pure insane, is a canyon: emotional strength, intellectual argument, comic illusionism.
The Perfect Dictatorship
Original title: The Perfect Dictatorship (The suspicious truth).
Country: Mexico Year: 2014. Pending Release in Spain.
Running Time: 143 minutes.
Genre: Comedy, Satire, Politics, Television.
Director: Luis Estrada.
Screenplay: Luis Estrada, Jaime Sampietro.
Cast: Damian Alcazar, Joaquín Cosio, Alfonso Herrera, Dagoberto Gama, Maria Rojo, Salvador Sanchez.
Studio: Bandidos Films / EFICINE 226 / Estudios Churubusco Azteca SA / Fund Film Investment and Promotion (FIDECINE) / Mexican Film Institute (IMCINE).
The President makes another of his frequent blunders. MX TV, the powerful Mexican Television Corporation, has to help his friend and ally to leave the problem before it becomes another serious crisis of image and popularity. To divert attention, the television disclosed in its main news, and most shockingly, a video involving the Governor Carmelo Vargas in heinous crimes and serious illegal business. The “Gober Vargas”, worried about his political future, millionaire and decided to negotiate a secret agreement with the owners of the station. Carlos Rojo, an ambitious young news producer; Ricardo Diaz, star of the television reporter and Javier Perez Harris, host of the primetime newscast, they are commissioned to change the image that the public has the corrupt and folkloric “Gober” get-at any cost-and turn it into a shining political star and a possible presidential candidate. TV and put a president … He will do?
Provocative, controversial and funny political satire, from the creators of Herod’s Law andHell , The Perfect Dictatorship is a revealing and controversial film about the perverse relationship between politicians and television, for their strong content, we will check if there is really no censorship in Mexico.
Trailer alternative #LaCajaChina (reality always surpasses fiction or fact-based film):
Original title: Diplomatie
Country: France Year: 2014. Released in Spain on October 19, 2014.
Cast: André Dussollier, Niels Arestrup, Robert Stadlober, Paula Beer, Burghart Klaußner, Charlie Nelson, Jean-Marc Roulot.
Studio: Co-production France-Germany; Film Oblige / Blueprint Film / Gaumont.
At the end of the Second World War, during the liberation of Paris, and with Berlin in ruins, Hitler ordered to destroy the French capital while it was still under the control of its military governor Dietrich von Choltitz, a member of a lineage of military Prussians very disciplined. However, the August 24, 1944, night that is supposed to give the order, the Swedish Consul Raoul Nordling sneaks through a secret passage in the Meurice hotel, residence von Choltitz. Its aim is to delay its decision to activate the explosives that wouldblow the main monuments of the French capital until the Allies control Paris or even fully convince the old soldier to disobey.
This fiction film puts at the service of history. A true story that adapts the eponymous play by Cyril Gely, premiered in 2011 at the Theatre de la Madeleine. Contraplano plane and immerse the viewer in a historical and emotional context of high level, even if we know the outcome in advance, that make this film a memorable film.
As pleasant curiosity ( thank David for giving it to me to know), commenting that, in most theaters, along with the previous film, the short film can be seen the great invention of Fernando Trias de Bes, who makes his first foray into the world of address this short that was presented in the official section of the Seminci 2014 :
Paris, 2027. The tenth anniversary of the dissolution of the European Union are fulfilled. A renewed French public television documentary broadcast a memorial, explaining that triggered the end of the EU was an unknown Spanish director, Carlos Giro. He discovered a real historical document: a report drawn up in Germany in 1942 under the auspices of the Third Reich, entitled “European Economic Union” where the basis for the design of the euro and EU were outlined.
It is a magnificent and surprising short which will lead us to our becoming-in the wake of alleged research programs (such as the recreation of ” The War of the Worlds “HW Wells or French documentary” Operation Moon “from William Karel) or the more recent “Operation Palace “, directed by Jordi Évole, showing a surprising version of the coup of February 23, 1981 in Spain (and could not fail to mention in this post).
Corruption in power
Original title: Casino Jack
Country: Canada Year: 2010. Released in Spain on June 20, 2014.
Length: 108 minutes.
Genre: Comedy, Politics.
Director: George Hickenlooper.
Writer: Norman Snider.
Starring: Kevin Spacey, Barry Pepper, Kelly Preston, Rachelle Lefevre, Jon Lovitz, Eric Schweig, Maury Chaykin, Yannick Bisson, Christian Campbell, Daniel Kash, Spencer Garrett, Joe Pingue.
Studio: ATO Pictures.
Comedy set in the world of politics and lobbies Washington, inspired by real events, in which the two-time Oscar winner Kevin Spacey, and before starring House of Cards , gives life to Jack Abramoff, a powerful and corrupt Republican lobbyist that was enriched by multiple fraud and made numerous bribes advantage of the Indian tribes he represented in Congress. The film examines a flawed and easily corrupted system, and shows that when our politicians are for sale, our democracy is fragile and almost nonexistent, and the interests of large corporations and influential groups have priority over the interests of the people. It remains the biggest scandal that has rocked Washington, DC since Watergate.
The film, released in Spain four years after it for the first time in Canada and the United States, has been titled Corruption in power , although its original title was Casino Jack , but we should not confuse it with the documentary Casino Jack and the United States of Money .
Belluscone, a Sicilian history
Original title: Belluscone, a Sicilian storia
Country: Italy Year: 2014. Pending Release in Spain.
Studio: Dream Film Ila Palma, Frenesy, Sicily Consulenza.
Belluscone is as pronounced in Sicilian surname of Silvio Berlusconi during the last 20 years has handled the helm of Italy. This film just released in Italy (September 4, shortly after being presented at the Venice Film Festival) and Argentina (22 November in Mar del Plata Festival) has already asked to be withdrawn from circulation by the party Il Cavaliere, Forza Italia. And the film goes back to the roots of the relationship between former prime minister and Sicily, Real Mafia stronghold, weaving fiction with the investigation.
The film begins as a documentary on Berlusconi’s relationship with Cosa Nostra, the Sicilian mafia, and documents the parties in the streets and neighborhoods of Palermo, where adherence to Italy Force is total and youth just want to be like Berlusconi (love of the Sicilian by Berlusconi is so great that even a young singer has composed a song called I want to meet Berlusconi ).
The film also tells the story of three failures: the political and human Berlusconi after recounting their economic and political rise; the entrepreneur Ciccio Look, a follower of former Prime Minister and nostalgic “Mafia before”; and artistic director Franco Maresco, comprising the futility of fighting against the “windmills” of a policy that identifies with Berlusconi (in fact this film began shooting in 2012 and thanks to crowdfunding by the difficulties in finding funding ). It includes the most diverse testimonies from “fans” of the former prime minister, through journalists and judges to its harshest critics or ordinary citizens through a sarcastic and smart style.
This film joins the trend of Italian cinema in which in the last year have been released other films about the Mafia ( La trattativa and Anime nere ) and sweeping the perhaps the first comedy on such thorny issues, the mafia only bush in summer , debut behind the camera Pif comic, showing that Italy can condemn his great cancer also laughing at him.
Original title: Justi & CIA
Country: Spain Year: 2014. Released in Spain on November 7, 2014.
Time: 87 minutes.
Genre: Drama. Comedy.
Director: Ignacio Estaregui.
Screenplay: Enrique Leon, Borja Monclús (Idea: Ignacio Estaregui).
Cast: Hovik Keuchkerian, Alex Angulo, Antonio Dechent, Santiago Melendez, Jorge Uson, Marta Larralde, Juan Manuel Lara, Pablo Alfonso, Lacueva Laura Gomez, Jorge Asin, Gabriel Latorre, Cristina de Inza, Jaime Garcia Machin.
Studio: Estaregui Sendino & Machin.
Justin is a former miner who survived a tragic accident that killed seven of his colleagues.Fed up with the social and economic situation in the country, impulsively he decides to become a social avenger.
This film, beyond a road movie righteous as Charles Bronson, is a social manifesto and activist, an entertaining cry of protest and a punch to the table in our current Spain. A daring film uneven result, but worth seeing to be the last paper of the late Alex Angulo, along with the revelation of Hovik Keuchkerian, as Quixote and Sancho of the century, are the best of the film.
Donald Rumsfeld, unknown certainties
Original title: The Unknown Known: The Life and Times of Donald Rumsfeld
Country: USA Year: 2013. Released in Spain on May 23, 2014.
Length: 105 minutes.
Genre: Documentary, Politics.
Director: Errol Morris.
Written by Errol Morris.
Cast: Donald Rumsfeld, Errol Morris, Kenn Medeiros.
Studio: History Films / Moxie Pictures / Participant Media.
Errol Morris, who won the Oscar for best documentary for ” Rumors of War “, makes this portrait of Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of Defense of the United States under President George W. Bush.
Morris tries to show the intricacies of the chief architect of the Iraq War not through conventional interview, but getting read and reinterpret Rumsfeld memoranda issued along its almost 50 years of political career in Congress, the White House and the Pentagon, from its beginnings in the 1960s as a congressman until the invasion of Iraq in 2003 after 11-S and the subsequent war in Afghanistan.
Despite their intentions, this film is a failed attempt to get inside the head of the “hawk” of GW Bush, a game of cat and mouse in which each player thinks he’s the cat, making it the once exciting and disconcerting to see.
Welcome to New York
Original title: Welcome to New York
Country: USA Year: 2014. Released in Spain on May 17, 2014 (VOD).
Running Time: 124 minutes.
Genre: Drama, Politics, based on real events.
Director: Abel Ferrara.
Screenplay: Abel Ferrara, Christ Zois.
Cast: Gerard Depardieu, Jacqueline Bisset, Challita Eddy, John Patrick Barry, Drena De Niro, Amy Ferguson, Paul Calderon, Ronald Guttman, Anh Duong, Anna Lakomy.
Mr. Devereaux is a powerful man. A man who handled billions of dollars every day. A man who controls the economic destiny of many countries. A man driven by a frantic and unbridled sexual desire. A man who dreamed of saving the world, but can not save himself. A frightened man. A man lost. This is the story of his downfall.
Film inspired by the controversial 2011 scandal in which became embroiled former IMF chief and presidential candidate of the French Socialist Party, Dominique Strauss-Kahn potential and went around the world, when an employee of a hotel in New York She accused him sexually assaulting her. It nevertheless focuses on the collapse of the marriage between the former director of the IMF and Anne Sinclair, in the sinking of who had it all and lost against himself.
The shooting of this film suffered difficulties both in financing (no French television, common in the pool of a film producer, wanted to collaborate) and pressures of the film industry to limit the spread of the film. In fact, just one hour after its world premiere at the Cannes Film Festival could be seen under the formula of Video On Demand (VOD) on the Internet due to the refusal of cinemas to broadcast the film.
Mandela, the man of myth
Original title: Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom
Country: United Kingdom Year: 2013. Released in Spain on January 17, 2014.
Length: 140 minutes.
Director: Justin Chadwick.
Written by William Nicholson.
Cast: Idris Elba, Naomie Harris, Tony Kgoroge, Riaad Moosa, Jamie Bartlett, Lindiwe Matshikiza, Terry Pheto, Deon Lotz, Mark Elderkin, Michelle Scott.
Studio: South Africa Co-UK; Pathe / Distant Horizon / Film Afrika Worldwide.
Biopic that chronicles the extraordinary life of South African leader Nelson Mandela, from his childhood in a rural population and 27 years in prison for activism against apartheid until his inauguration as the first democratically elected South African president. This is the incredible story of an ordinary man with great values that faced the challenge of your time and won, an intimate portrait of what became a modern icon.
This film is expected film adaptation of his autobiography and is the first production that tries to cover the entire history of Mandela. Unfortunately, according to critics, the presence of Idris Elba is good for the viewer courageously resist the grueling 140 minutes of this biopic, full of platitudes, it just seems to raise his head when he decided to approach the intimate ground while when it does politics is such a basic shape that just will not discover anything not already know of such an important figure.
Clinton, the musical
Original title: Clinton, the musical
Country: Australia Year: 2012 Released in the UK in 2012 and in July 2014 in New York (United States).
Length: 120 minutes.
Genre: Musical, Comedy, Politics.
Screenplay: Paul and Michael Hodge.
Music and Lyrics: Paul Hodge.
Creative Director: Dan Knechtges.
Musical Director: James Dobison.
Starring: Alan Campbell, Kerry Butler, Duke LaFoon, Judy Gold, Kevin Zak, Veronica Kuehn, Joshua Lamon, Darren Bluestone and Kara Guy.
And without being a movie, as novel and curious element of this list include “Clinton: The Musical”. This work was performed this summer in an alternative theater under theFestival of Musical Theatre in New York .
For two hours, this acidic comedy -directed by Australian Paul Hodge and successfully passed by Edinburgh in 2012 and London in 2013- explores the internal contradictions of the 42nd president of the United States, its attempts, with Hillary, to save his mandate and demonstrate that “politics is a business for ugly people,” according to the description of satire. Walking to two different characters, it shows the dual life of the occupant of the Oval Office: intelligent statesman William and Bill seductive crazy.
Hodge, who created the comedy with his brother from an idea that gave his father a work of an Australian politician says his inspiration for the plot was Bill Clinton’s autobiography published in 2004, in which he admitted that White House had an “outer life” and other “internal”.
But in this music the character of Hillary not too good because if it does not hide his huge irritation by the affair, fight to avoid the collapse of the President and takes it to start building his political career, with an eye to enter the Senate. And how could it be otherwise, also they appear in a spirited comedy Lewinsky, former Republican Congressman Newt Gingrich and prosecutor Kenneth Starr, who wrote the onlyimpeachment suffered by a US president in the twentieth century.
THE BEST MOVIES ABOUT POLITICS
Donald Rumsfeld, unknown certainties(The Unknown Known: The Life and Times of Donald Rumsfeld, 2013). Directed by Errol Morris.
If Errol Morris did a job of viewing essential with ‘rumors of war‘ (The Fog of War), nothing is not negligible ‘Donald Rumsfeld, unknown certainties‘, an underappreciated work because surely that fails to outline a monstrous vision of the former Secretary of Defense of the United States.
Rumsfeld was denounced for war crimes because of the crimes committed in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo, and during the Iraq war. This movie is free to watch online at projectfreetv calendar
The IDEs of March(The Ides of March, 2011). Directed by George Clooney.
Clooney directs and acts in this film adaptation of the play ‘Farragut North‘ of Beau Willimon,achieving a very interesting and absorbing political thriller about a young man who starts to work as a press officer for a candidate of the Democratic Party in the United States.
In the loop(2009). directed by Armando Iannucci.
Satire is a very attractive resource when comes to the subject of politics. There are several examples in this list. In this case, humor has a distinct English accent.
The smoke screen(Wag the Dog, 1997). Directed by Barry Levinson.
Barry Levinson is a mediocre filmmaker. But when you use a good script for someone like David Mamet and get Dustin Hoffman and Robert De Niro, interpret it you need to be a real genius of the collapse to not form an interesting film.
All the President’s men(All the President completo Men, 1976). Directed by Alan j. Pakula.
Two journalists to begin an investigation that will result in the famous “Watergate” case, which led to the resignation of Richard Nixon.
Ilario 4 Oscars. Interestingly, none of them went to their star players: Robert Redford and Dustin Hoffman. Yes he did Jason Robards a best supporting actor.
Memories of underdevelopment(1968). directed by Tomás g. Alea.
Renowned Cuban film about the revolution in this country, based on the novel by Edmundo Desnoes. Through an interior monologue show the contradictions of the bourgeoisie, and its reflection in society.
Red phone? We flew to Moscow (Dr. Strangelove, 1964). Directed by Stanley Kubrick.
Political satire set in the cold war. Kubrick, in its efforts to engage in all film genres, triumphs with this comedy that ridiculed those who move the threads of the world.
The politician(All the King completo Men, 1949). Directed by Robert Rossen.
3 Oscars for a film that tells the corruption of an honest man when he decided to enter politics.
Knight without sword(Mr. Smith Goes to Washington, 1939). Directed by Frank Capra.
Authentic classic film where James Stewart plays a young idealist who is appointed Senator, and will hold a fierce defense of democracy, as well as a fight against corruption.
EQUO ACCUSED “POLITICAL CYNICISM” HAIRSTYLE WITH THE NURSERY SCHOOL
Hairstyle with sponge brush asks the Board to fulfill its commitments with school children “the Chameleon” but recently approved a divestment in “The Cigarrón” and Triquitraque which means to turn our backs on children to do a favor to the company of Florentino Perez. EQUO Puerto Real has requested the intervention of the Junta de Andalucía in the procedure.
Maribel Peinado recently visited the school children “the Chameleon”. Visit the Mayor took advantage to remind that of Andalusia had not even made transfers for the maintenance of the school. To María Merello, local coportavoz of EQUO, “is a fair claim, the Board must meet, but at the same time is an exercise in political cynicism, since in plenary of last October his Government team approved to forgive the immediate payment to the company CLECE of €200,000 of initial investment imposed by the specification for the management of the Triquitraque and Cigarron schools. Now you can pay them in easy installments of less than €26,000 every two years until the end of the concession. It is paradoxical to see the Mayor to praise the technification of the services that offers a school when it prevents the other be improved as soon as possible”.
Iván Canca, EQUO coportavoz, explains that “This divestment was inexplicably passed despite the shortcomings of the children’s schools, that the municipal architect said in a report last July.” Windows, State of the firm of the courtyards or air conditioning are some of the investments that should now undertake the enterprise and to hard now held as to the agreement approved by the andalucistas only is obliged to justify some € 6,000 investment by Center per year. Hairstyle has denied the best possible service to the children of these two nursery schools to encourage a group of Florentino Perez company.”
EQUO Puerto Real has filed a letter with the Government delegation of the Junta de Andalucía in Cádiz informing the plenary session agreement for the plenary in October in which amended the specification, urging it to rush the necessary steps to seek the revocation of this agreement, by presumably a perversion of the initial procurement process, since payment of the committed investment conditions have changed substantially.
Marijuana has become a political problem for Obama
The US federal Government has remained on the sidelines of State legislative activity on ‘cannabis’ while States are defined
Some sectors criticize the positions of Obama about legalizing marijuana (Edward M. Pio Roda/CNN) movement.
The movement that United States entities lead to legalize THC Detox is a “chronic” problem for the Obama administration. Not just marijuana is legal in the States of Colorado and Washington, also has become a home business with 420 tours and shops with Cupcakes with marijuana.
According to the National Conference of State legislatures, the States of Florida and New York could join soon the 20 States and the District of Columbia, where medical marijuana is legal. The Government has adopted an unclear stance on the subject: in States where smoking it is legal not apply sanctions.
“We’ll see what happens with experiments in Colorado and Washington,” said President Barack Obama in an interview with Jake Tapper, CNN. “The Department of Justice pointed out that we are going to continue applying the federal laws. But in those States, we recognize that the federal Government has no resources to control if someone smokes a joint in a corner.”
This attitude frustrates some State and federal authorities, including the head of the drug agency’s Control (DEA), Michele Leonhart, who, according to several media reports, criticized the Government for its stance during an annual meeting of sheriffs , which was held last month.
Jon Gettman, Assistant Professor of Criminal Justice at Shenandoah University, said that allowing States are in charge to draw policies on marijuana instead of changing the federal position is “politically convenient,” for the Government. “They see social change is taking place and are caught between the sword and the wall,” said Gettman. This social change includes a change in the way in which Americans see marijuana.
In a survey by CNN and ORC International last month, showed that slightly more than half of the country – 55% – supports the legalization of marijuana. It is an increase over the 16% who thought so a quarter of a century ago.Almost three-quarters of respondents said that alcohol is more dangerous than marijuana.
Obama: ‘I smoked marijuana.”
The President shares this view. “Everything has been documented well; I smoked marijuana from young and see it as a bad habit and a Vice, is not so different from the cigarette which I smoked throughout much of my adult life and young”, he said to the New Yorkermagazine in a recent interview. “I don’t think that it is more dangerous than alcohol.”
Shortly after that interview was published, the Government hastened to clarify the position of the President. They noted that the White House is opposed to the national movement for decriminalization of marijuana despite Obama’s personal position on marijuana.
Marijuana is currently classified in Appendix I of the controlled substances Act, as well as heroin and cocaine, which have a high probability of abuse and no medical value. “Say what substance belongs or not to Appendix I is work of the Congress,” said Obama to Taper during his interview with CNN. However, the President did not say if he would urge Congress to reclassify marijuana.
By Oregon, Earl Blumenauer, Democrat assemblyman has worked to gather signatures of lawmakers in a letter to Obama which support the reclassification of marijuana. The Government has indicated on other occasions that it is unlikely that reclassification of marijuana in a less strict category of drugs.
The Government has a “serious political problem” when it comes to marijuana, said Kevin Sabet, an Assistant Professor of the Institute of policy on drugs at the University of Florida.
The positions of Obama infuriated to such an extent to Leonhart, the DEA Director, is vented a little during the annual meeting of sheriffs , which was held last month, according to The Boston Heralddaily. Sheriffs who were present declared to the newspaper she expressed frustration because Obama had compared to smoking marijuana with drinking alcohol.
“His comments are not necessarily unexpected,” said Dan Riffle, director of federal policy for the Marijuana Policy Project, a group that supports the legalization of marijuana. “There are many people who have spent the last 20 or 30 years fighting in the war against drugs. It is natural that they rebel.” However, the attitude and the laws of the country with respect to marijuana are changing.
During a debate on drug policy that took place in January at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, the Governor of Texas, Rick Perry, said that you defending the legalization of marijuana, although he did not ask that it legalize. However, where a Republican who once ran the Presidency thinks so seems to be further evidence that attitudes about marijuana are changing even in the conservative corner.
Both advocates and opponents of the legalization of marijuana say that, sooner or later, the federal Government will have to make things clear.
“The real issue is: do we will have a system in which 25 States legalize and 25 States not?”, said Gettman, the legal scholar. The direction of the federal policy on marijuana could be defined in the upcoming mid-term election and the 2016 presidential election, while the States pondering the legalization of marijuana.
The politician and the bookkeeper
WEEK revealed documents showing that a Quickbooks Bookkeeper who was on the Clinton list designated integrate the Organization of drug Víctor Patiño Fómeque became part of two bells of the controversial former Senator Juan Carlos Martínez Sinisterra.
The disputed former Senator Juan Carlos Martínez, Chief in the shadow of the questioned party PIN and who for many years managed the threads of the sixth Commission of the Senate, provided that it can makes it clear that the Supreme Court is investigating him for concert to commit a crime “and not for drug trafficking,” as secure means. So he said recently in a radio interview.
The former Senator is right to demand that precision, from the judicial point of view. However, they have begun to appear embarrassing evidence against her. WEEK was found to be the same man who brought him the accounts at two of their campaigns, to the authorities of the United States, key piece within the structure of the confessed drug trafficker Víctor Patiño Fómeque, extradited in December 2002, who is already released.
It’s Jose Eliecer gunsmith Riascos, a counter of Buenaventura who walked by several official positions in that municipality and in 2001 he was included in the Clinton list, which blocks financial and commercially to individuals and companies related to monies from drug trafficking. On that occasion, the list also appeared Inpesca, Galapagos and Taura, designated be facades of the criminal organization of Patiño Fómeque companies.
Gunsmith Riascos was Martinez Sinisterra counter in the regional elections of 1997 and 2000, when Martinez, endorsed by the Liberal Party and then by the Popular Movement United (MPU), arrived at the Assembly of the Valley on two occasions. The ratio of the counter with the politician was so narrow that in 2001 he replaced him in that Corporation despite its problems with the United States authorities. At the time, Martinez is mustered to the Senate.
The militancy of the counter in movement of Martinez was so active that in 2003 made the list the Concejo de Cali, while it burned. And when the MPU changed costume to become citizen convergence and then the party of national integration (PIN), remained in their ranks and even had its share in the Psychiatric Hospital of the Valley, where named him Deputy administrative and financial manager during the ousted Juan Carlos Abadía. And for not leaving doubts of its proximity with the former Senator Martínez, the counter figure on the list of those who visited him in La Picota in June 2010. This magazine tried to communicate with the Lord gunsmith Riascos, but had his phone off.
In addition, week has documents showing that one of the partners of Inpesca, included in the Clinton list company, contributed ten million pesos to the campaign of the MPU by the Mayor of Buenaventura, José Félix Ocoró lost in 2003. Ocoro is the current President and political tab of Martinez in that city.
The former Senator was the protagonist of several scandals when he was imprisoned in La Picota. First, because it extended his ‘cell’, and therefore made masters of work entering the prison. Second, because by their place of imprisonment paraded all kinds of officials and candidates before the elections to Congress in March of last year. And third, by birthday celebrated with dozens of guests that led, earlier this year, that he was moved to prison in Barranquilla.
And the worst thing is that, since it was revealed that Martinez was the godfather of the Pacific D’olmes Durán Ibarguen cartel boss wedding and the testimony of the paramilitary ‘HH’ became publicly known, the case of the former Senator has been increasingly punctuated by drug trafficking.
The PSOE requires political and sectoral dialogue in the audiovisual marketing of soccer
Responsible for culture and sport of the Federal Executive Committee of the PSOE, Ibán Garcia of the white, has criticized that “once again” the PP Government to act “without dialogue, without consensus and with legislative outrage” with regard to the adoption of the Royal Decree on urgent measures for the Calgary video marketing of the rights of exploitation of audiovisual content of professional football competitions.
Garcia of the White has regretted that protect this Decree Law “for reasons of extraordinary urgency” does not justify to proceed “after three and a half years of legislative failure”. Thus, it has accused the Government of Mariano Rajoy that this fact is “another sad record of thefts to the parliamentary control on legislative matters”.
For this reason, the Socialist leader said that “essential is that the decree law to be transacted as Bill to give participation to political groups and the industry in the shortest possible time”. In addition, has required that you incorporated the “necessary amendments to improve the standard and correct their defects”.
In this sense, Garcia of the White has highlighted the need to seek a comprehensive agreement to “consider and reconcile the legitimate interests of all levels of football, not losing sight of never, and safeguard the obvious general interest”.
Responsible for culture and sport of the Socialists also explained that the sectoral and political consensus that has been “always” present in the sports policy in Spain, has been broken by “the lack of transparency and prior dialogue, a style of management of this Government”.
He has also defended that negative reactions from different areas of the Spanish football about this standard “evidence for the PSOE that has no dialogue on the subject rather than a minority”. For this reason, has announced that the Socialists will begin a series of contacts with all sectors of Spanish soccer “taking care that nobody is excluded when it comes to expressing their point of view”.
20 Films That All Militant And Politician Should See
Whenever we present this type of articles we clarify that this list does not express our taste or qualifying for these films. Just them we have ordered and listed to be able to present to our readers.
In this case, all topics related to the policy or to the history of politicians, from the life of a politician in particular to the treatment of the topic from a general, encompassing all political point of view. Let them be with their respective trailers so they can choose and enjoy them next time.
In previous notes we have tabled another selection of Movie2k aimed at psychologists,doctors, lawyers and musicians who also recommend.
1 Citizen Kane (1941)
An important American Tycoon, Charles Foster Kane, owner of a major chain of newspapers, a network of radio stations, two trade unions and an unimaginable collection of works of art, dies at Xanadu, the fabulous Castle of oriental style. The last word pronounced before expiring, “Rosebud”, whose meaning is an enigma, awakens one huge curiosity both in the press and among the population. So the things, a group of journalists undertakes an investigation to unravel the mystery.
2. the politician (1949)
Willi Stark (Broderick Crawford), a brave and honest man, undergoes a transformation the day that decides to enter politics and see that everything is foul play. After being elected Governor, forgetting their principles, first thing it does is to take control of the press and radio. Become a corrupt being will do everything in its power to remain in power.
3. operation massacre (1973) – available on Youtube
Based on the novel testimony written by Rodolfo Walsh, “Operation massacre” (1957). In 1956 it fails a counter-punch military dictatorship self-styled Revolución Libertadora, and much land in José León Suárez, province of Buenos Aires, several civilians suspected of being part of the hoist are killed. However seven people manage to survive the massacre and tell the story.
4. the Patagonia rebelde (1974) – available on Youtube
In 1920, a few workmen of Patagonia (Argentina), grouped in anarchist and socialist societies decide to make a strike demanding labor improvements. Among workers there are many European emigrants ideologically influencing their peers. The situation becomes unsustainable and the Government of Yrigoyen instructs, from Buenos Aires, Lieutenant Colonel Zavala so reset the agenda.
5. all the men of the President (1976)
In 1972, two young journalists of the newspaper The Washington Post, Bob Woodward (Robert Redford) and Carl Bernstein (Dustin Hoffman), begin to investigate the RAID on the headquarters of general of the Democratic Party in Washington. Its discovery triggered the so-called ‘Watergate’, which led to the resignation of President Richard Nixon.
6. no more penalties or forgetfulness (1983) – available on Youtube
Celebrated adaptation of the novel by the Argentine writer Osvaldo Soriano, which proposes a critical look not without humor of the Argentine political reality. The film takes place in a small village, in which two factions of peronism face: one led by the Mayor, and the other represented by the municipal delegate. The film received several awards including the Berlin Film Festival.
7. the cries of silence (1984)
Sydney is a journalist of “The New York Times” sent to Cambodia in 1972 as a war correspondent. Once there, he meets Dith Pran, a native who serves as a guide and interpreter. In 1975, to the fall of the Cambodian Government, the United States withdrawing from the country, and Pran family emigrated to North America except he who decides to stay with the journalist to assist you further. Both live in the French Embassy, but when they decide to leave Cambodia, the Revolutionary Army forbidden to leave the country to Pran, who is detained in a concentration camp.
8 salvador (1986)
Tragedy on the civil wars in Central America in the 1980s. Richard Boyle was an American reporter who worked in El Salvador in this period. The shock experienced by to discover certain aspects of reality that was ignored by itself led him to compromise and to take a stand.
9. the night of the pencils (1986) – available on Youtube
In September 1976, during the first months of the military dictatorship in argentina, seven adolescents from the city of La Plata are kidnapped, tortured and killed as a result of their protests by student ticket increase. The film recounts these events from the voice and presence of its sole survivor.
10 JFK: Case open (1991)
New Orleans Jim Garrison (Costner) Prosecutor reopened the case of the assassination of the President of the United States John F. Kennedy and filed charges against some people. After interviewing numerous witnesses Dallas and people associated with the facts, it maintained the thesis that the assassination was the result of a conspiracy in which the FBI, the CIA and Vice President own Lindon B. Johnson could have intervened.
11 Nixon (1995)
Richard Nixon was one of the most controversial Presidents of the United States.While for some represented, in the wake of the Watergate case (1973), the worst of American democracy; for others, it was a great statesman who helped end the cold war.
12 – thirteen days (2000) – available on Youtube
The Cuban missile crisis. In October 1962, a series of aerial photographs of Cuba, obtained by the American army, revealed that the Soviets were installing nuclear weapons that could reach much of the United States on the island. To force the Soviet Union to dismantle missiles, President John F. Kennedy and his colleagues decided to blockade the island.
13. Kamchatka (2002)
The difficult years of the military dictatorship in argentina are referred to by Harry, a ten year old boy is the only thing you want to play and do mischief with his little brother. However, in 1976, when his family, pursued by the dictatorship, is forced to hide in the field, begins for a new life that will put an end to his childhood.
14 v of revenge (2006)
In the not-too-distant future, Britain has become a totalitarian country run with an iron fist by a tyrant (John Hurt). One afternoon, after curfew, Evey (Natalie Portman) is rescued by a mysterious masked whose name is V (Hugo Weaving) in the street. The strange character explains what are their plans to regain freedom. And, indeed, all actions of V must aim to make explode a revolution against the fascist government across the country.
15 – The Queen (2006)
Account of the political events following the death of Princess Diana. Focuses primarily on the talks between Queen Elizabeth and Prime Minister Tony Blair to reach an agreement on the popular demand that held a national mourning.
16. the war of Charlie Wilson (2007)
In the early 1980s, an American Congressman fond of fun, a woman of high society of Houston advocate staunch of good causes and a passionate about the challenges CIA agent, they conspired to carry out the biggest secret operation history. Joanne Herring (Julia Roberts), one of the richest women of Texas and virulent anti-communist, convinced the Congressman Charlie Wilson (Tom Hanks) to help the Afghan Mujahideen, getting funds and arms to expel the Soviets from Afghanistan.Charlie struggle in this hard battle companion was the agent of the CIA Gust Avrakotos (Philip Seymour Hoffman).
17-che: the Argentina – Guerrilla (2008)
Biopic of the famous guerrilla and revolutionary Ernesto ‘che’ Guevara, based on her diary. It tells the period of the guerrillas in Sierra Maestra, under the command of Fidel Castro, from the landing of the Gramma in December 1956, until the flight of Batista, President who ruled Cuba with the blessing of the Americans since 1952. At the Cannes Film Festival was issued entirely (four 4 hours and a half). It is output divided into two films in commercial cinemas: “Che: the Argentine” and “Guerrilla” (about 140 minutes each).
18. the challenge: Frost Nixon (2008) against
Adaptation of the play by Peter Morgan about the interview with journalist David Frost to President Nixon. During the three years that followed his departure from the White House, Richard Nixon remained silent. However, when in the summer of 1977, he gave an interview to talk about its mandate and the Watergate, he surprised everyone by choosing to David Frost. Even the team of journalist was not very sure of the success of the interview would could be Nixon evade questions about his role in one of the most outrageous cases that Casablanca had been involved? Could Frost boot clear answers to a man who was a master of the evasion and subterfuge?
19 Invictus (2009)
Adaptation of a book by John Carlin (Playing the enemy). In 1990, after his release, Nelson Mandela (Morgan Freeman) reaches the Presidency of his country and decreed the abolition of the “Apartheid”. Its aim was to carry out a policy of reconciliation between the black majority and white minority. In 1995, the celebration in South Africa in the Rugby World Cup was the instrument used by the black leader to build national unity.
20 revolution: Crossing of andes (2010) – available on Youtube
Leandro Ipiña takes distance from the points of view that were previously addressed in this new film about San Martin. Narrated by an old man who in his youth was clerk of San Martín and in the 1880’s the story just manages to survive on a pension, film intertwines the intimate interest of his narrative with a visual display of overwhelming dimensions to cover this first crossing of the Andes where San Martin raised the release of all South America of the Viceroyalty.
21. white elephant (2012)
It tells the story of friendship between two priests, Julian and Nicolas, after surviving an attempted assassination by the military during his work in Central America, settled in a suburb of Buenos Aires to develop their apostolate and social work. There they meet Luciana, who will fight elbow with elbow against corruption, endemic in the area. His work will face them with the hierarchy and the Government and police power. Despite everything, will continue to risk their lives to maintain their commitment and loyalty with the residents of the neighborhood.
Clarifications are important: this list is not sorted by importance or transcendence.Just trying to list the movies that have the same theme (or similar) and show them all together with their respective trailers. They can not be a country-specific movies since we took the most named in the majority of fans and suitable blogs on the subject.
TheideathatRobertDowneyJr.was goingtobeinoneofthemostimportantstarsof Hollywoodwewould haveseemedabsurdalljust in the lastfewyears.Hisdrug problemswereon the vergeofendinghiscareer,butfinallymanaged to overcome hemandstraightenhiscareer,firstwithmoreminorityproductionsastheremarkable‘KissKissBangBang’(ShaneBlack, 2005)andthentobecometheIronManMarvel andtheSherlockHolmesof Guy Ritchie.
Infact,reachedapointinwhichDowneyJr.coulddovirtuallywhatwouldwithoutthat nobodywoulddareto refuse it. ‘Thejudge’(‘TheJudge’,DavidDobkin,2014)has beentheresultandthiscomingFridaywill havetofightyoutoyouwith‘Dracula,evertoldlegend’(‘DraculaUntold,GaryShore,2014).Theirweaponstodefeatthefamousvampire? Thecharismaofhismain character,whohastheopportunity to showoff,butdosobecausetheentirefilm and MovieTubeseemdesignedsoyoutried togethisthird nominationforan Oscar.
I havenothingagainstmoviesthatchoosetoempowertheendhischaracteractor andlesswhenisplayedbyanactorwhoIlikeaswellasDowneyJr. It istruethathas reachedapointwherehefeelstoocomfortableintheroleofsympatheticscoundrel,butI‘m stillenjoyingitandthebestmomentsof‘Thejudge’arepreciselythosein whichthathissideismorepower.Perhapsnothighcomedy,butiseffectiveand servestolubricateaperformancethat,atsomepoint,becomesjustgrazedthe monotonywhenit acquiresmoredramaticdyes.
Theproblemisthatthescriptof‘Thejudge’,signedbyNickSchenkandnewcomer BillDubuque,builteverythingtogivemorenuanceditsprotagonist,butwithout worryinnotimetogiverealpersonalitytotheother characters. Theirstoriesdo not interestthemandappearorareleftasidein a somewhatwhimsicalway,andisashame,becausethelibrettodoesnotabadworkingpresentingthemsowe knowthe rolethatplay –theglassof the Prosecutor–,butoncedone, it won’tbe beyond.
Thisispainfulbecausethefilmhasacastquiteattractivegetting to partly compensate forthelack of individualinterestofitscharacters.ThatYes,notallleavethe samegoodstanding– asexpected,RobertDuvallishavingmoreammoatyourdisposalandnotwastedit-,sincethescripthasatendencyasmarkedtotheschematicthatforexampleBillyBobThornton,whodoeswelljustgaveusahugeperformancein‘Fargo’– oneofthebestseriesfromlastseason –has justdilutedandVeraFarmigagivethefeelingofbeingaproperactress who you couldchangeon theotherunlessyounoticetoo.
However,whatisreallylethalin the case of‘Thejudge’isDavidDobkin’sfilmwants tobetoo manythingsandthatmakesitsduration–totripunnecessarilyonlyworksactuallyrequiringitshouldhaveatopattwohours –footageandthatlookitseamseverywherenotknowing to doalltheirshedcome togetherina wayenoughnatural.
Thesuccessofcityunscrupulousmanthat(re) discovertheruralcharm,thesonwithaproblematicrelationshipwithhisfatherwhohastohealtheirrelationshipforthedeathofthemotherofthefirstandthewifeofthesecondandthedrama of theCourtwithacasethatgivesrisetorelatively surprisingtwistsofscript–we havealreadyseenso manytapessonowwewe know everything. Allthatandsomemoredetail– isabouttodivorcehiswifeand it isnotknownwhowillmaintaincustodyofyour daughter–mixedwiththehopethatthestrengthofthespecificscenesaresufficient and,sorry,isnotthe case.
I havealreadymentionedthetopics,butsodamagingasthatisthemechanicalsignificancethatfollows‘Thejudge’.ThateverythingisdesignedtogetanemotionalreactionfromtheViewerisnotallnegative,butbecomesitifoneisfullyawarethatyou aredoingsoandthatarenotmuchstrivingto achieve it. TherealsowinmuchweighttheknowledgeandthedemandoftheViewer,asifyou‘veseen a fewstoriesas welloraresimplywillingtooverlooksomething,itsflawsislikelytoenjoywithher.
Thereasonforthislaststatementisthatit istruethatDowneyJr.istheonly one whocanshowoff –nowonderthattheactorwasdelightedwiththescriptofSchenkand Dubeque,buttherestofthecastbringssolidityandthestagingofDobkinmaynotaddmuchofitself,butthatsoftandevenalmostelegantimpersonalityconformstotheneedsofthestory‘sbasicentertainment for an audience adultwhofeelnointerestinfights,explosionsorplanechangeseverysecond.
Beingjust,‘Thejudge’isnotreallyabadmovie,butisonethathadatitsdisposalanumberofingredientsthatshouldhavebeenthebasisforamuchmoreinterestingwork,anddepends oneachonethatthisistooannoying, orwhoknows how to enjoywhattheycanofferus. TomeIknewalittle,butit can bethatyoudo notpassyou.Mistrial.
In politics, there are more than 50 shades of gray
Subject to details that could prove a participation of other, Lula da Silva did not make anything not yet done and make other Governments and rulers.
The reputation of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva would seem affected by the announcement that intervened on behalf of a huge company of Brazilian construction to obtain international contracts.
Oderbercht is one of the largest Brazilian construction companies, and became it in part by the preference of the Government to charge you mega-projects inside and outside the country.
The case against Odebrecht indicates that Lula da Silva called for the company to countries which attended to give lectures on development financed, certainly, by Odebrecht.
And if, on bet, Lula advocated by it during and after his rule. Nothing nice. Real.
But if Lula is punished by that intervention, could well punish the Brazilian Government – including the current regime and the former – and pass their claims to power.
Subject to details that could prove a participation of other, Lula da Silva did not make anything not yet done and make other Governments and rulers, including the Chinese, Turk, the South Korean, Russian, the U.S., French, British, German, etc…
In other words, a policy of State to promote their companies and that these, in turn, not only result in earnings to the country of origin, but that help transform, improve or maintain its image and prestige in the power games International.
It is rather simple. The Government of this or that country, Brazilian in this case, announces it will help the construction of public works in such or which other nation. It is part of the foreign policy and having an international aid program also adorns all country with pretensions.
But, to do so, they will not use companies established in the country – or will be only complementary – but their own enterprises, which in some cases will take only the personnel of engineering and management, and in others, up to the workers.
Some countries, like the United States, favor their companies by law: any international assistance that will provide is through American products American establishments and until the necessary flights through American Airlines.
The Chinese have a reputation for sometimes take to their own crews.
The impact is positive because the investment is largely exploited by the donor: experts, experience, taxes, business profits and economic growth. And the receiver benefits at the same time of the work.
It is not pretty. It might even qualify as collusion or trading in influence, as in the case of Lula da Silva. But as the famous erotic book, in politics, there are more than 50 shades of gray as you watch series online on the internet, that is fifty shades of darker pdf download.
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